“This is how government buys media”

Finnish journalist Axel Kronholm, starts his report for “Osservatorio dei Balcani e Caucaso” with a short logical analysis why a country of 3 million people has around 300 media.

“Most of these media are small and/or local. Last year there were 26 national newspapers published in Albania, with a combined circulation of no more than 70,000. In addition, there is a large number of local radio and TV stations”, says the Finnish journalist.

His explanation is simple: “It depends on what media you mean. Mainstream media manage to survive on the advertising attracted from the very fact of being the biggest. The large number of different newspapers is explained by the fact that many of them are part of – and supported by – another company for which that newspaper or television is an investment, a tool of influence. Basically, they work as a public relations organ for the particular activity and can be used either to attack politicians or court them with reports in their favour”, Kronholm says.

Kronholm has an answer for the reports made by Freedom House and Reporters Without Borders. According to them, freedom of speech in Albania is deteriorating each year.

“Journalists and media in Albania are facing constant and certainly “significant” pressure from the government and business – often these two elements are not so easy to separate. In 2011, several journalists were assaulted while reporting on the violent protests in January”, he says.

The newspaper sees some ways how businessmen influent them: “At the risk of being a bit simplistic, one could say they buy media. Given their difficult financial situation, Albanian media are dependent on advertising. The government has an advertising budget for all of its ministries – a total of about 15 million Euros per year. Most of this money is given to pro-government media, thus punishing the opposition media”, the reporter says.

“This practice has been described by almost all journalists – from both sides of the political spectrum – I interviewed for my thesis”, Kronholm says.

“Private advertising is based on similar principles. It is difficult to separate politics and business in Albania, they are closely interconnected. The media landscape here is polarized along political lines, which means that if a company advertises itself on the opposition media, this is seen as an active support not only to the media itself, but to the opposition too”, the journalist says.

He continues by saying that “Business owners are well aware of this and know that their choice of media-partner will have an impact on their relations with the state”.

This brings us back to the issue of informal labour and labour relations in Albania. Ilda Londo from the Albanian Media Institute, has done a very interesting study about labour relations in the media in 2007. In short, and in general, I can say that most journalists face problems with salaries and late payments. Delays of up to two months are not unheard of. As Londo shows, in addition, journalists are not confident in their job security, even if they are working with a contract, which is unusual. Such insecurity undoubtedly encourages self-censorship, since journalists are aware of the specific interests of the owners or publishers of the media.

As for how is it to be a journalist in Albania, from the economic point of view, Kronholm replies:

“In short, and in general, I can say that most journalists face problems with salaries and late payments. Delays of up to two months are not unheard of. In addition, journalists are not confident in their job security, even if they are working with a contract”, Kronholm adds.

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